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How does variation in the resources and attributes of women’s policy agencies impact the nature of feminist policy success? Women’s policy agencies (WPAs), or government agencies dedicated to the promotion of gender equality, have proliferated around the globe in recent decades. Research has established that alongside domestic feminist movements, WPAs can help facilitate feminist policy success (McBride and Mazur 2010, Htun and Weldon 2012). However, these accounts have yet to incorporate the variation in resources available to distinct WPAs. To date, WPAs have persisted as feminist institutions, and in many cases, their roles have only expanded (Htun and Weldon 2018, McBride and Mazur 2010). As such, exploring the ways in which differentially resourced WPAs impact political outcomes is a valuable endeavor.
I expect that where WPAs are more well-resourced, feminist policies will be more effective. Staff, connection to feminist movements, level of autonomy, jurisdiction, and budget are all likely to increase the degree to which WPAs can influence policy. However, different resources may have different effects on policy. In order to test this expectation, I focus on the area of gender-based violence (GBV) and anti-gender-based violence policy in the context of Latin America. In part because of feminist activism, the region has been an early leader in its response to GBV, with varied political and institutional responses to the issue.
To assess my research question, I collect and analyze original data on both WPAs and anti-GBV policy in Latin America. Taking guidance from McBride and Mazur’s foundational data collection effort on WPAs, I collect information about Latin American WPA resources from 2000 through 2015. Additionally, I collect detailed information about each of the provisions contained in anti-GBV policy throughout the region, focusing on different types of policy instruments that are embedded in legislation (Engeli and Mazur 2018).
This research project aims to contribute to a few areas of comparative politics. To start, GBV remains a problem around the world today. Understanding the variation in specific anti-GBV responses within this region can be an important first step in evaluating how effective different approaches are. Also, I aim to shed light on the role that equality-oriented agencies can play in the provision of social policies aimed towards equalizing historically marginalized groups, or progressive social policies (Htun and Weldon 2012, pp. 552). There are several recent examples of movements that advocate progressive social policy on race, income (in)equality, sexual orientation, and gender. In addition to helping redefine norms around these areas, these movements have also prompted policy responses to help guarantee these rights. Given this, it is important to understand the conditions under which dedicated government agencies can respond effectively protect these rights.