Emerging political barriers to IDP cultural education in Georgia

• In Event: Refugee trajectories, mobility, aspirations, and political constraints

Proposal

Drawing on ongoing qualitative research with the Georgia National Committee of the Blue Shield, this paper addresses the issue of access to cultural education for internally displaced youth and children (IDPs) in the Republic of Georgia. This paper asks: How can civil society actors expand cultural education for IDPs, and what barriers complicate this effort? It situates this issue among emergent concerns about increasing authoritarianism and illiberalism in Georgia, including restrictions on nongovernmental engagement in cultural programming.

Almost 300,000 people have been internally displaced in the Republic of Georgia due to armed conflict and Russian-backed occupation in the Abkhazian Autonomous Republic and Tskhinvali Region since the 1990s (UNHRC, 2024, p. 14). As of 2022, 28.2% of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Georgia were below the age of 18 (Ganatra, 2024, p. 4). Among IDPs, cultural awareness is deteriorating as the population ages (Ganatra, 2024, p. 4). Prolonged displacement can lead to disconnection from cultural heritage, a process linked to adverse outcomes for marginalized groups, including the disappearance of cultural traditions; weakened social identification, cultural resilience, and collective sustainability; and disrupted trauma healing (Bhugra & Becker, 2005; Ukuma, 2023; Tevzadze, 2024). By contrast, targeted support for cultural education among youth is thought to lead to improved outcomes in social well-being and development.

Yet, civil society efforts to engage minority groups in cultural programming and education are increasingly prohibited by governmental interference, barriers to international collaboration, and a lack of resources. Since 2008, the Russian-backed occupation has created a frozen conflict in addition to attendant population displacement (Zimmerly, 2009; Golden, 2020). Following Georgia Dream’s establishment as the country’s ruling party in 2012, and particularly after Georgia Dream won the 2024 parliamentary election, civil society groups have encountered growing barriers to conducting cultural and educational programming (Civil Georgia, 2023; Sadovskaya, 2023; Córdova, 2024). Moreover, by March 2025, the dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development—coupled with concerns by international donors over the new government’s anti-foreigner stance and the pause on Georgia’s European Union bid—has resulted in the withdrawal of foreign aid funding from Georgia (Devdariani, 2025). To date, noticeable consequences include the termination of DVV International (Germany) funds that sustained a community education center in an IDP settlement in southeastern Georgia (informal conversation with community center director, 2025). Despite these concerns, which have implications for educational and cultural policy in conflict (and frozen conflict) environments, such as Ukraine, there has been minimal scholarly attention given to these topics in Georgia.

In Spring 2025, the author undertook an analysis of civil society’s options for expanding access to cultural education for IDP children and youth through formal, nonformal, and informal programming. This study was undertaken in the context of supporting cultural programming oriented toward IDP communities, which has been implemented by an American university and civil society organizations in Georgia, and funded by U.S. Embassy Tbilisi. This assessment was informed by an analysis of national policy, informal conversations with education policymakers, and semi-structured interviews with cultural professionals. It was further grounded by observations made during in-person research in Tbilisi, Georgia, and several IDP settlements in March 2025. While acknowledging that the challenges posed by governmental restrictions and censorship might preclude the expansion of educational opportunities, this assessment ultimately recommended expanding nonformal education programming through collaboration among cultural organizations, teacher associations, schools, and other civil society actors to most effectively reach IDP populations.

However, within only a few months, the situation for civil society in Georgia has become dire and has so rapidly shifted that the earlier recommendation holds less weight. The introduction of Georgia’s Foreign Agents Restrictions Act (2025), for example, has severely limited NGOs’ ability to engage with international collaborators, while increased civilian surveillance has struck fear among civil society actors and cultural and educational professionals. Accordingly, this paper positions the original research question of expanding access to cultural education as a launching point for broader inquiry into concerns around the freedom of NGOs to act in the fields of education and culture.

In identifying the needs and challenges facing Georgian cultural and educational policy and programming, this paper highlights the fundamental significance of supporting the cultural preservation of an invisibilized population through education and emphasizes the need for more attention by scholars and policymakers to under-studied human rights issues in Georgia.

References

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Córdova, K. (2024). Art communities at risk: Tbilisi*. October Magazine 190, 134–152. 
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Devdariani, J. (2025, March 8). As USAID dies, many of Georgia’s “vibrant” CSOs face extinction.
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Zimmerly, K. E. (2009). Georgia: Frozen conflict and the role of displaced persons. University of Denver. 
https://digitalcommons.du.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1736&context=etd

Author

• Corinne Muller, Penn Cultural Heritage Center, University of Pennsylvania Museum