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Although many Congolese refugee students arrive in the United States with limited English proficiency, there is a limited body of scholarship on their educational experience in Lansing, Michigan. In this study, I employed the migration ecological model to examine the experiences of Congolese high school refugee students in Lansing public schools, focusing on how language impacts their education and identity. Findings of this study indicate that language programs, policies, and linguistic diversity within schools have a significant impact on how Congolese refugee students navigate their identities through language. The study contributes to a broader understanding of how language shapes the experiences of refugee students throughout their migration journey, both in countries of first asylum and in resettlement contexts.
The study involved high school Congolese refugee students who have resettled in Lansing, Michigan, under the United States Refugee Resettlement Admission Program (USRAP). I conducted this study in Lansing because the city has become home to a diverse refugee population, including those from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). However, while Lansing is one of the smaller U.S cities with the largest number of refugees, little research has been conducted on the integration of refugees into Lansing public schools. In this study, language emerges as both a barrier and a bridge in the integration process, shaping the opportunities for participation, learning, and identity formation among Congolese refugee students.
This study draws on in-depth interviews with three teachers and students. Students were asked to reflect on the role of language in their education, both before and after arriving in the United States (U.S), and teachers were asked to reflect on their experiences of working with Congolese refugee students. The recruitment for this study was limited to Congolese high school students who had been in the U.S. for less than five years, aged between 18 and 21, and were born in the DRC or a country of first asylum. The recruitment of teachers involved language teachers, cultural brokers, and subject teachers. I employed purposeful snowball sampling to recruit participants as I wanted to interview individuals who met the study's objectives. Prior to data collection, I consulted a former colleague who was working directly with refugees and asked her to share the purpose of the study with teachers and students. Those interested in participating were invited to contact me by phone or email. Each interview lasted approximately one hour; four were conducted in person, and two were conducted via Zoom.
The data analysis involved identifying significant statements related to migration experiences and integration. Some statements were recorded in participants’ own words, while others were described and interpreted to capture their meaning. From these, main themes were identified, and coding categories were created by grouping similar themes together. The themes were then organized into three categories: pre-migration, trans-migration, and post-migration. Finally, I examined the connections between themes and provided a detailed description and interpretation of each theme.
The findings of this study have important implications for supporting Congolese refugee students in U.S. public schools. They provide policymakers and educators with evidence to design inclusive programs and strengthen multicultural education. Teachers can draw on these insights to develop strategies that address language barriers and foster a sense of belonging. At the same time, parents gain awareness of how language influences their children's learning and development. Together, these implications highlight the need for coordinated efforts to promote the inclusion of refugee students in public schools. In general, the study provides a comprehensive description of language challenges that occur at different stages of migration and their impact on the education and identities of refugee students.