Search
Program Calendar
Browse By Day
Browse By Time
Browse By Panel
Browse By Session Type
Browse By Topic Area
Search Tips
Virtual Exhibit Hall
Personal Schedule
Sign In
X (Twitter)
In three studies, we examined whether children and adults attend to others’ behavioral conformity when making trait-based judgments. We compared children’s, adolescents’, and adults’ use of conformity in guiding their judgments about children’s intelligence in two populations—U.S. and Vanuatu—that differ in child socialization goals. These populations were compared due to differences in the societal importance of independence versus conformity, which may influence whether conformity is viewed positively or negatively. U.S. adults favor self-confidence and independence in thinking over conformity (Paguio et al.1987; Raina et al., 1980) and children are encouraged to be independent and intellectually curious (Lawton et al., 1984; Maccoby & Martin, 2005). In contrast, child socialization in Vanuatu is based on fostering collective values and emphasizing social conformity (Dadkah et al., 1999; Peck & Gregory, 2005; Strachan et al., 2007).
We used a novel methodology based on multivocal ethnography (Tobin et al., 2009; Tobin et al., 1989), to assess whether participants would attend to children’s behavioral conformity when making evaluations about desirable traits, such as intelligence. Participants from the U.S. and Vanuatu were invited to watch videos of children from their own cultural background displaying either high or low conformity behavior and were asked which child displayed two target traits – intelligence and good behavior. In Study 1 (n = 256), we examined whether U.S. and Ni-Vanuatu children (6-11-year-olds) and adolescents (13-17-year-olds) would attend to other children’s conformity when evaluating the two target traits. Children and adolescents from both populations displayed a conformity bias and were more likely to assign the target traits to children who displayed high levels of conformity. Conformity bias for good behavior also increased with age (see Figure 1). In Study 2, we examined whether U.S. and Ni-Vanuatu adults (n = 384) would also show a conformity bias when evaluating children’s intelligence and behavior. This study revealed differences between U.S. and Ni-Vanuatu adults’ use of conformity when making judgments about children’s intelligence. Ni-Vanuatu adults were significantly more likely than U.S. adults to endorse the child that displayed high levels of conformity as intelligent (odds ratio = 0.40, p = .012). In Study 3, we examined within-population variation in U.S. adults’ (n = 239) conformity bias to examine the extent to which the differences found in Study 2 could be attributed to differences in the social value of independence versus conformity. In addition to completing the study procedure from Studies 1 and 2, participants also rated their views on their importance of independence versus interdependence and indicated their parental status (a proxy for experience with children). U.S. adults evaluated low conformity behavior as evidence of intelligence when they rated independence as more important and interdependence as less important for child socialization goals (see Figure 2).
These studies demonstrate that beliefs about the relationship between intelligence and conformity vary between- and within-populations and across development and are mediated by differences in expectations for in-group members. They highlight the importance for conducting both between- and within-population comparisons in examining continuity and variability in beliefs about intelligence.