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The long-term, detrimental effects of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) on health problems have been well-substantiated (Felitti et al., 1998). Recently, attention has turned to unpacking the effects of cumulative ACEs to understand differential contributions of adversity subtypes, including childhood maltreatment versus exposure to family/household dysfunction, on mental health outcomes (McDonnell & Valentino, 2016; Narayan et al., 2017). Findings using this unpacking method have been mixed; some studies find childhood maltreatment predicts a wider variety of mental health outcomes than exposure to family/household dysfunction (e.g., Atzl et al., 2019), whereas other studies find that both ACEs subtypes predict similar mental health outcomes (e.g., Marackova et al., 2016).
Despite its widespread use, the ACEs scale has been criticized for its lack of inclusivity of other childhood adversities, such as peer victimization, also implicated in mental health problems and traumatic stress symptoms (Finkelhor et al., 2015; Hawker & Boulton, 2000). While some studies have examined the effects of peer victimization on young adulthood mental health outcomes, few studies have compared the effects of peer victimization versus each of the ACEs subtypes across a variety of negative outcomes (Espelage et al., 2016). This study unpacked the effects of childhood maltreatment versus exposure to family dysfunction and also examined unique effects of peer victimization on symptoms of young adulthood depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), aggressive behavior, and alcohol use and substance use problems. When accounted for all together, higher levels of each type of childhood adversity were hypothesized to uniquely predict higher levels of each mental health problem.
Participants (N = 550, M = 27.10 years, SD = 4.65, range = 18-35; 45% male, 53% female, 2% gender non-conforming; 68% White, 10% African American, 9% Asian/Pacific Islander, 8% Latinx, 5% biracial/multiracial/other) completed standardized instruments on ACEs and childhood peer victimization; young adulthood depression, anxiety, and PTSD symptoms, aggressive behavior, and alcohol and substance use problems; and demographic information. Hierarchical linear regressions examined effects of each childhood adversity after accounting for covariates and separate regressions were conducted for each outcome. Covariates included participants’ age, sex, ethnic minority status, educational attainment, parental status, romantically partnered status, and childhood income level.
Results revealed that higher levels of all three types of childhood adversity significantly predicted higher levels of anxiety and PTSD symptoms. Higher levels of childhood maltreatment and peer victimization, but not exposure to family dysfunction, also predicted higher levels of depression symptoms and aggressive behaviors. Only higher levels of exposure to family dysfunction predicted higher levels of alcohol use problems, and only higher levels of childhood maltreatment predicted higher levels of substance use problems.
Findings suggest that all three types of childhood adversity have substantial, yet nuanced effects on different types of young adulthood mental health problems. Childhood maltreatment seems to have the most widespread deleterious effects, followed by peer victimization, which should be considered a form of childhood traumatic stress exposure. All three types of adversity should be included in future research on long-term pathways from childhood trauma and toxic stress to young adulthood maladaptation.