Latent Class Analysis of Racial Socialization and Awareness among White youth

• In Event: The Development of “Allyship” and Critical Action among White People over the Lifecourse

Abstract

Adolescence is an important time to investigate racial socialization and awareness as youth begin to negotiate, challenge, and reinforce ideologies and ideas about the social world (Cross & Cross, 2008). Of particular importance is the role that parents, peers, and schools play in shaping how adolescents make sense of race (Hagerman, 2014). For White youth, the influence of racial socialization on understandings of inequality and social action has largely gone unexplored in the extant literature (Loyd & Gaither, 2018). This study is one of the first to 1) illuminate typologies of racial socialization/awareness for a sample of White youth and 2) investigate how these typologies relate to understandings of inequality and civic action during young adulthood.
Using data from the Maryland Adolescent Development in Context Study (MADICS), adolescents' self-reported racial socialization/awareness was assessed during 11th grade (M age=16.5, SD=.58). A latent class analysis was used to derive perceptions of racial socialization/awareness typologies or "classes" across three key microsystems for adolescents: parents (i.e., parental racial attitudes, parent-child conversations about race), peers (i.e., peer conversations about race, cross-race friendships), and school (i.e., school climate). Participants were limited to those who identified as White (n=297; 51.7% female). Parent education was used to measure socioeconomic status. The majority of participants' parents did not complete a bachelor's degree (n=153), while the remaining participants reported that one or more parents had a bachelor's degree or higher (n= 115).
Using standard model fit indices and theoretical considerations, we selected the 3-class solution. The largest class (n = 191) was named the low racial awareness group. This group was characterized by low cross-race friendships, few discussions about race with both parents and peers, negative parental racial attitudes, and perceiving that both teachers and students treated those of different races equally at school. The next largest class (n=65) was named the high racial awareness group. This group was characterized by the most cross-race friendships, many discussions about race with parents and peers, positive parental racial attitudes, and parents who believed that it was important for their children to know about their racial background. Participants in this class also reported teachers and peers treated students differently based on race. Finally, the remaining class (n=41) was named the colorblind group. Colorblindness downplays or negates the existence of racism in the United States and the role that race plays in shaping one's lived experiences (Neville et al., 2016). Consistent with colorblindness, this class reported that teachers and students treated students of all races equally. In addition, while they had the lowest cross-race friendships, they did report having conversations about race with friends. Further, while parental racial attitudes were the highest out of the three groups, conversations about race with parents were quite low. Future analyses will explore how class membership relates to civic action and understandings of inequality during young adulthood. This study provides much-needed context on how White youth negotiate race, develop an understanding of inequality, and the capacity to work toward social change.

Authors

• Brandon Dull, Northwestern University
  Presenting Author

• Lindsay Till Hoyt, Fordham University
  Non-Presenting Author